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Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly Excerpts – July 15, 1871

July 15, 1871

[Page 14]

WOMAN ITEMS.

…The young ladies of Selma have formed an organization the object of which is to intimidate young men and make them stop wearing mustaches—they tickle so.

The lady student who carried off the chemical prize at the University of Edinburgh was the highest of 240 candidates. Having been declared ineligible to receive the prize on account of her sex, Sir Titus Salt sent her £100, but she declined to accept it.

Mrs. Moore is of the stuff heroes are made of. Recently, at Nashville, when her son fell down a well twenty-four feet deep, she neither fainted nor screamed, but instantly swung herself down, “hand over hand,” caught the child with her feet, drew herself and son up again, and then, woman like, spanked the boy for falling in.

A poor colored woman in New Haven recently bequeathed between two and three thousand dollars—money she had saved by a life of toil in washing and scrubbing—to educate any poor colored student who might enter Yale divinity school to become a preacher; and if, no colored student is presented, then the money may be applied for the benefit of a white student….

[Page 9]

Wyoming, June 21, [1871]

VICTORIA WOODHULL.

Dear Madam—To you, the last victim sacrificed on the altar of woman’s suffrage, I send my first word from the land of freedom.

As Miss Anthony and myself retired for the night, dashing over the prairies of Nebraska, we asked the conductor what hour the train reached Wyoming in the morning. He said 4 o’clock; so we closed our eyes, with the satisfaction of knowing that when we awoke we should behold that blessed land where, for the first time in the history of the world, the true idea of a just government is realized, where woman is the political equal of man, with the right of trial by a jury of her own peers, and a voice in the laws that govern her.

Unthinking men often express surprise that those of us who enjoy social and educational advantages should so keenly feel the degradation of disappointment; but that is the very reason we do. It is because we are the equals, in fact, of most men we meet, that we feel the humiliation of their artificial superiority. The lash on the back of Frederick Douglass would be far more galling to his spirit than to that of a groveling, degraded slave.

But you, who have drunk deep from woman’s cup of bitterness, can understand all this, and so too, you can appreciate the intense joy, the new dignity we fell in treading this sacred soil. “Deprive me of one right,” says Daniel Webster,” and that is the one of all others I long most to possess.”

Tonight we are to speak in Cheyenne, and instead of the wail of twenty-five years, we shall tune our harps to notes of gladness; instead of pleading for woman’s suffrage, we shall dwell on all the grand reforms she now has the power to inaugurate, in the State, the church, the school and the home for I fully believe, when the mother-soul is infused into our legislation, we shall have better codes and creeds and educational systems, and purer, holier, social relations than we enjoy today.

I left New York after our May Conventions sad and oppressed with the barbarism, falsehood and hypocrisy of the press of our country, knowing that when liberty runs into license the reaction that must come is tyranny. The fearful scenes being enacted in Paris today should warn us who believe in the great idea of self-government to rebuke every violation of individual rights. It may be a light thing for the press of the country to hold up one frail little woman to public ridicule and denunciation, but this reckless hashing of individual reputations is destructive of all sense of justice and honor among our people, and will eventually force on us a censorship of the press. The grief I felt in the vile raking of your personal and family affairs was three-fold—sympathy for you, shame for the men who persecuted you and the dangers I saw in the abuse of one of our greatest blessings, a free press.

Why did our editors all over the land dip their pens in gall to crush the one woman whom the Congress of the United States honored, for the first time in the history of our government, with a hearing before the Judiciary Committee of the House and an able report on her memorial? Was it because they so loved purity and principle, and felt the cause of woman’s suffrage too sacred to be advocated by any one not as pure and chaste as Diana? Nay, nay, but because they hated the principle of equality, and could not answer her able argument. These crafty ones see that this reform has passed the court of moral discussion, and is now fairly ushered into the arena of politics. Jeremy Bentham tells us it is an old dodge of the enemies of progress; when they cannot answer the arguments of reformers, they try to blacken their characters, and thus turn public thought from principles to personalities.

It seems to me that some commentaries on your very able arguments on natural rights and constitutional law would be higher game for men supposed to be specially gifted with the power of reason and trained to logical deductions, and more in harmony with the tastes of educated gentlemen, than all this low gossiping about the blunders of your childhood and the sorrows of your maturer years.

Let not the women of the country be deceived by these hints of the press, lest woman’s virtue be sacrificed; little care they for that, for the same pens that scarify Victoria Woodhull today, were more remorseless in their persecution of Harriet Beecher Stowe two ears ago, when, by unveiling the social infamies of Lord Byron’s life, she shook the civilized world. To a man the press of England and America rushed to his defense. No whinings then about social morals, or warnings to women to beware of the men of their own households, but flat denials of what, from common report, and Byron’s own writings, all knew to be true; and stern rebukes of the woman who had thus shaken the confidence of her sex in their natural protectors.

“Ah!” cried these gentlemen of the press, “what monstrous sacrilege, thus to unveil the dead!”

Do dead men feel persecution or betrayal more than living women?

Is it harder for a man to hear the world’s scorn and contumely in the solitude of a British sepulcher than for a woman while earning her living in the busy streets of our metropolis, with the scarlet letter forever beating on her bruised heart.

Hawthorne’s sketch of that base, craven coward sitting high in the judgment seat, to pass sentence on the woman he had seduced, standing alone in the market-place, with the eyes of the multitude and the intense rays of a summer’s sun burning into her very soul, is all realized in our midst every day.

When I think of all the world’s baseness, selfishness and hypocrisy toward my sex through the long, long past, and the mountains of sorrow and shame they groan under, even in this Christian civilization, I sometimes blush that one drop of my woman’s blood has every warmed the heart of any living man.

But you have not suffered in vain. You have made some grand points of assault on the old tyrant Custom.

In declaring that women are already citizens and pointing the short way to freedom, you have inspired the strongest of us with new hope and enthusiasm. In securing a hearing before the Judiciary Committee of Congress, and that able report of Butler and Loughridge, you have lifted the debate on woman’s suffrage from the low ground of expediency, where ordinary men insist on holding it, into the higher realm of constitutional law. You have attacked, too, the last stronghold of the enemy—the social subordination of woman.

You have also done a good thing in suing some of our leading journals for libel. If you do not gain your suits, you will teach these editors that women, as ‘citizens,’ have some rights white men are bound to respect. They have misrepresented and vilified the leading women in our reform so long, without the least sense of guilt or fear of penalty, that they have really come to consider us all as legitimate subjects for their amusement or abuse—docile, pliant tools, adapted alike to their sunny or their savage words.

At one time the press of this nation made itself merry over the bulls and blunders of the Irishman. Then “poor Pat” was the target for the people’s ridicule and scorn. But that is all passed away. With the ballot in his hand, the Irishman soon became a power that editors and politicians could not afford to ridicule or ignore.

Then Sambo took his turn. Our journals delighted to dwell on his thick skull, woolly head, shin-bone and long heel; but we hear no more of that now. Sambo is crowned with the rights of citizenship; he holds that scepter of power, the ballot, in his hand. He sits in the Senate of the United States and the Legislature of Massachusetts; and lo! editors and politicians are compelled to do him reverence.

But poor human nature must have someone to look down on, our sires and sons something to laugh at, and so woman is the target today, and will be until we make it the political interest of editors and politicians to mend their manners.

Libel suits are good for the transition period; but the ballot is the mightiest leveler yet discovered in governments.

When the votes of women make and unmake Presidents, the philosopher of the New York Tribune will soon find as many arguments in favor of Woman Suffrage as he now does against it.

Miss Anthony and I have laughed over a letter of Warrington’s in the Springfield Republican, describing the trepidation of our friends at the Hub, lest your friend Mrs. Hooker’s presence should make them responsible for your social theories and your advent to the Woman’s Rights platform. Why did they not pass a resolution against Congress for giving you a hearing and reporting on your memorial? If you are the questionable character they assume, your wiles would be far more dangerous among our representatives at the capital than in a convention of strong-minded women in Boston.

But you must pardon those sweet sisters, for most of their speakers on the occasion seem to have been new recruits who did not believe in woman’s suffrage five years ago.

But their alarm is not more amusing than the prophetic vision of their chosen seer, in the Woman’s Journal, V.W.H., [typo for T. W.H? Thomas Wentworth Higginson] who now thinks we may vote in sixty years. Does not the reverend gentleman know that all women are voting in Wyoming today, and some have voted in other States? That we have declared ourselves “citizens” and intend to maintain our rights at the ballot box and in the courts, and that unless Congress gives us a declaratory act securing us in all our inalienable rights we shall secede from this bogus republic, and set up a pure democracy of our own, assisted by all the just men who wish to enjoy the blessings of liberty and equality in government.

Verily, this New England prophet has more skill in the rhetorical turn of sentence than in reaching the sins of the time. From Cheyenne we go to Denver,

Respectfully Yours, ELIZABETH CADY STANTON

Webmaster’s Note: These are actual extracts from the Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly. Sentences or paragraphs that have been removed are indicated with the ellipsis (….)

JANFEBMAR
January 20, 1872
January 27, 1872
February 3, 1872
February 10, 1872
February 17, 1872
February 24, 1872
March 2, 1872
March 9, 1872
March 16, 1872
March 23, 1872
March 30, 1872
APRMAYJUNE
April 6, 1872
April 13, 1872
April 20, 1872
April 27, 1872
May 4, 1872
May 11, 1872
May 18, 1872
May 25, 1872
June 1, 1872
June 8, 1872
June 15, 1872
June 22, 1872
June 24, 1871
JULYAUGSEPT
July 1, 1871
July 2, 1870
July 8, 1871
July 15, 1871
July 22, 1871
July 29, 1871
August 5, 1871
August 12, 1871
August 19, 1871
August 26, 1871
September 2, 1871
September 9, 1871
September 16, 1871
September 23, 1871
September 30, 1871
OCTNOVDEC
October 7, 1871
October 14, 1871
October 21, 1871
October 28, 1871
November 2, 1872
November 4, 1871
November 15, 1873
November 18, 1871
November 25, 1871
December 2, 1871
December 9, 1871
December 16, 1871
December 23, 1871

When this web site began in September 1999, there were no digitized copies of Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly available online. Now you can find an almost complete run on the IAPSOP web site which has no affiliation with Victoria Woodhull & Company:

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly at IAPSOP

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly Excerpts – July 8, 1871

July 8, 1871

[Page 3]

“The sale of WOODHULL & CLAFLIN’S WEEKLY is prohibited throughout the length and breadth of the German Empire.” And this government is to last. Kaiser William stands appalled at the three thousand miles away echoes of truth and free thought!

[Page 3]

THE “GOLDEN AGE.”

In another column will be found a letter from a valued correspondent upon the Golden Age and its editor, to which we invite attention. Theodore Tilton is a rare type of man—almost unique—combining the modern American go-ahead-ativeness (he will scarcely pardon this barbarous word) with deep moral convictions, and a nature saturated with aesthetic instincts. It is not enough with him that we should make progress, and rapid progress, in truth, but we must have present apprehension of grace and beauty; traveling in elegantly appointed vehicles; we must stop on the road at all points of loveliness, and we must have the delectable hill in the distance. The old Independent, with its admixture of dry goods and orthodoxy, was no field for Theodore Tilton. He was equally out of place in the rule and rubric service of the temple or at the bench of the money changer, and we, in common with all liberal thinkers, rejoiced in the issue of the Golden Age. His paper is the reflex of himself. The mere make up is attractive; and just as in architecture a structure ought to prefigure the purposes for which it is intended, so by the law of eternal fitness a newspaper ought in its type and arrangement to correspond with the general purport of its columns. The lettering even of the title and headlines can be made to harmonize with the art, culture or refined taste of its reading matter. We are not of those who think that this iron age is an age of deterioration; rather, that as the world grows older, it grows wiser and better; and we are disposed to think that society and its institutions are just as much better than they were eighteen hundred years ago as that epoch, with its organization and civil policy, was better than the day when Nimrod, the mighty hunter, ruled the earth by rapine and cruelty. We are glad to turn to the Golden Age as the exponent of those theoretic principles of virtue, love, beauty and harmony of which its name is the accepted verbal symbol.

[Page 5]

THE FOLLOWING passage in Victoria C. Woodhull’s letter to the New York Times and World was so carefully and plainly worded that we thought there could be no mistake about its import:

“I advocate free-love in the highest, purest sense as the only cure for the immorality, the deep damnation by which men corrupt and disfigure God’s most holy institution of sexual relations.”

The Anglo-American, an English paper commenting on it, finds it so unanswerable that before it can find basis for an argument it has to change one of the terms thus:

“It is not marriage, but sexual intercourse, then, that is God’s most holy institution.”

Such disingenuousness strengthens our case. If a moral position can only be turned by false statement and willful perversion, the victory is won.

[Page 9]

THOSE DOLLAR CONTRIBUTIONS.

The National Woman’s Suffrage Association require funds to continue the good work so well conducted since last winter by Mrs. Hooker and Mrs. Grifting. As an inducement to friends to forward their names to Mrs. Griffing with the dollar inclosure, we announce that for every such dollar thus contributed to the cause we will send WOODHULL & CLAFLIN’S WEEKLY six months. Let every friend of humanity do this much to forward the work, the weight of which has thus far fallen upon the shoulders of a very few persons.

All letters containing contributions should be addressed Mrs. Josephine S. Griffing, Secretary National Woman’s
Suffrage Association, Washington, D. C., who will forward the names of contributors to us.

This will also explain to such persons as have already made the aforesaid contribution why they are receiving the WEEKLY.

Webmaster’s Note: Except for some headings, these are actual extracts from the Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly. Sentences or paragraphs that have been removed are indicated with the ellipsis (….)

JANFEBMAR
January 20, 1872
January 27, 1872
February 3, 1872
February 10, 1872
February 17, 1872
February 24, 1872
March 2, 1872
March 9, 1872
March 16, 1872
March 23, 1872
March 30, 1872
APRMAYJUNE
April 6, 1872
April 13, 1872
April 20, 1872
April 27, 1872
May 4, 1872
May 11, 1872
May 18, 1872
May 25, 1872
June 1, 1872
June 8, 1872
June 15, 1872
June 22, 1872
June 24, 1871
JULYAUGSEPT
July 1, 1871
July 2, 1870
July 8, 1871
July 15, 1871
July 22, 1871
July 29, 1871
August 5, 1871
August 12, 1871
August 19, 1871
August 26, 1871
September 2, 1871
September 9, 1871
September 16, 1871
September 23, 1871
September 30, 1871
OCTNOVDEC
October 7, 1871
October 14, 1871
October 21, 1871
October 28, 1871
November 2, 1872
November 4, 1871
November 15, 1873
November 18, 1871
November 25, 1871
December 2, 1871
December 9, 1871
December 16, 1871
December 23, 1871

When this web site began in September 1999, there were no digitized copies of Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly available online. Now you can find an almost complete run on the IAPSOP web site which has no affiliation with Victoria Woodhull & Company:

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly at IAPSOP

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly Excerpts – July 1, 1871

July 1, 1871

WOMEN ITEMS.

The woman’s club—The broomstick….

Harvard has one lady student of divinity….

Women should never be lawyers; they would constantly have writs of “attachment.”…

A strong-minded lady writes to the Woman’s Own Journal: “John Stuart Mill, Harriet Martineau, John Bright and other English statesmen assert that women understand political economy better than men, because they have been drilled in the habit of husbanding small resources. Some are obliged to husband very small resources, in the shape of the men they have to take care of.”…

Every newspaper you pick up just now contains a story relating how some woman ran a needle into her foot and pulled it out of her elbow seventeen years afterward. We know of a stranger case than this. There was a woman in the Tenth Ward who swallowed a five-dollar gold piece just before the [Civil] war. Well, she heard nothing about it all those years until a day or two since, when she felt a pain proceeding from a swelling on her left shoulder. The doctor lanced the tumor, and it actually discharged five dollars’ worth of currency in fifty, twenty-five and ten cent notes! The doctor thinks they must have changed just about the time specie payments were suspended. With wonderful accuracy does Nature conform herself to the laws of circumstance!…

LETTER FROM HAWK’S NEST PEAK, N.C., JUNE 12, 1871

Tennie C. Claflin:

I am a wild old rover in the mountains of North Carolina. Very near I am to Tennessee, if not dear to Tennie C. Only a line divides us—I mean from Tennessee. I drop a line to see if it won’t unite us—I refer to Tennie C.

I saw your picture, beautiful as life, at Brady’s the other day. I took a good absorbing look at it and brought it with me, in my mind’s eye, down to these wilds; so I know to what manner of woman I am writing.

And now, to-day, descending from the crags and peaks to the nearest post town, I am surprised to find your paper strayed to this most unlikely part of the world, and all the young Ku-klux of the neighborhood warmly discussing and generally denouncing it. The pronunciamento of St. Mary Darl was especially shocking to them, and yet each one of her propositions was approved by some one; and, on the average, her whole article received the sanction of the crowd. Learning that I was from New York, one of them appealed to me to know if “Mrs. McFarland was not a first-class” courtesan in that city (only he didn’t phrase it so politely). “Oh, no,” I said; “but there isn’t much old-fashioned close communion marriage any more in New York. The best women are pretty much all ‘first-class’ owners of themselves. There is a terrible commotion there about marriage slavery, as there has been here about negro slavery, and the whole thing is getting itself abolished.” The poor man went away sorrowful. The Yankees had taken away his black slave, and now they may again invade the South and take his white one also.

So you see, dear Tennie, I am with you in your crusade against the last of the slaveries. Though I am of the master class, I am willing every woman should be as free as I am.

Maybe you would like some sketches for your paper of mountain life in this region to sandwich in between your heavier propagandist articles. At the long intervals when I arrive at such things as pen and ink I may write you something.

QUARTZ

Webmaster’s Note: These are actual extracts from the Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly. Sentences or paragraphs that have been removed are indicated with the ellipsis (….)

JANFEBMAR
January 20, 1872
January 27, 1872
February 3, 1872
February 10, 1872
February 17, 1872
February 24, 1872
March 2, 1872
March 9, 1872
March 16, 1872
March 23, 1872
March 30, 1872
APRMAYJUNE
April 6, 1872
April 13, 1872
April 20, 1872
April 27, 1872
May 4, 1872
May 11, 1872
May 18, 1872
May 25, 1872
June 1, 1872
June 8, 1872
June 15, 1872
June 22, 1872
June 24, 1871
JULYAUGSEPT
July 1, 1871
July 2, 1870
July 8, 1871
July 15, 1871
July 22, 1871
July 29, 1871
August 5, 1871
August 12, 1871
August 19, 1871
August 26, 1871
September 2, 1871
September 9, 1871
September 16, 1871
September 23, 1871
September 30, 1871
OCTNOVDEC
October 7, 1871
October 14, 1871
October 21, 1871
October 28, 1871
November 2, 1872
November 4, 1871
November 15, 1873
November 18, 1871
November 25, 1871
December 2, 1871
December 9, 1871
December 16, 1871
December 23, 1871

When this web site began in September 1999, there were no digitized copies of Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly available online. Now you can find an almost complete run on the IAPSOP web site which has no affiliation with Victoria Woodhull & Company:

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly at IAPSOP

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly Excerpts – June 24, 1871

June 24, 1871

WOMEN ITEMS.

A school on the plan of Vassar College has been established in Al[a]meda County, of California….

Widows who were freeholders were allowed to vote on town matters in this country for some years later than 1800. Three such widows voted in Detroit in 1804….

“You must not play in the streets with the boys now, my dear. You are seven years old,” said an old lady to her little granddaughter. “But grandma,” was the innocent reply, “the older I grow the better I like the boys.”…

“Martha, my dear,” said a loving husband to his spouse, who was several years his junior, “what do you say to moving to the far West?” “Oh, I am delighted with the idea! You recollect when Mr. Morgan moved out there he was as poor as we are, and in three years he died, leaving his widow worth $100,000.”…

The Board of Education of Jacksonville, Ill., propose to employ female teachers only, in all departments of the city schools. The janitors are to be authorized to flog the big boys at the teachers’ request. Guess those big boys won’t want flogging if the right sort of girls are employed….

THE JENNY LIND SCANDAL.

It suited the purpose of the moral journals to raise a howl at the notorious woman’s paper for traducing one of the world’s idols. The public interest is so short lived, and the succession of daily events so rapid, that the whole matter is clean forgotten by this time. We only revive it to give place to a comment from a contemporary, and to express our acknowledgments for generous, manly criticism. The Philadelphia Republic says:

We have received, as an exchange, WOODHULL & CLAFLIN’S WEEKLY, and find it bold and fearless intone, but given to much, we think, to the discussion of social problems and abuses, which strikes us as being improper subjects for newspaper comment. However, if the aim of Mesdames Woodhull and Claflin is to make a journal that will pay, they will doubtless succeed in their aim. In a recent issue they comment rather severely on the newspapers that have taken them to task for publishing a paragraph respecting the difficulties between Jenny Lind Goldschmidt and her husband, which paragraph, copied in two or three English papers, has subjected those papers to a suit for libel, which has ended disastrously for them. Woodhull and Claflin claim, and truthfully, too, that they are in no degree responsible for this; that this paragraph has been floating around in newspapers for months, and their only connection with the story is that of republishing it. Ten years ago a distinguished English lady visited this country. She was a strong advocate of woman’s rights, and was, we believe, the person who circulated the report of the unhappiness of Jenny Lind.

She told us she was personally acquainted with the great cantatrice, and regretted the law which had giver the earnings of her friend into the hands of a mean and narrow-spirited man, who refused to allow her to carry out the schemes of benevolence to which her heart prompted her. Our informant told us that this interference with her natural rights made Madame Goldschmidt very unhappy, and led to frequent quarrels between her and her husband. And we believe, in spite of the verdict of the English court, that this is true. The lady who brought this news from the other side of the ocean told it, we know, to many editors, and we have seen it resuscitated hundreds of times during the last ten years and are sure that neither Victoria Woodhull nor Tennie C. Claflin had anything to do with originating it.

The writer of the above extract says that the statement was first published in the Tribune in 1868.

Webmaster’s Note: These are actual extracts from the Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly. Sentences or paragraphs that have been removed are indicated with the ellipsis (….)

JANFEBMAR
January 20, 1872
January 27, 1872
February 3, 1872
February 10, 1872
February 17, 1872
February 24, 1872
March 2, 1872
March 9, 1872
March 16, 1872
March 23, 1872
March 30, 1872
APRMAYJUNE
April 6, 1872
April 13, 1872
April 20, 1872
April 27, 1872
May 4, 1872
May 11, 1872
May 18, 1872
May 25, 1872
June 1, 1872
June 8, 1872
June 15, 1872
June 22, 1872
June 24, 1871
JULYAUGSEPT
July 1, 1871
July 2, 1870
July 8, 1871
July 15, 1871
July 22, 1871
July 29, 1871
August 5, 1871
August 12, 1871
August 19, 1871
August 26, 1871
September 2, 1871
September 9, 1871
September 16, 1871
September 23, 1871
September 30, 1871
OCTNOVDEC
October 7, 1871
October 14, 1871
October 21, 1871
October 28, 1871
November 2, 1872
November 4, 1871
November 15, 1873
November 18, 1871
November 25, 1871
December 2, 1871
December 9, 1871
December 16, 1871
December 23, 1871

When this web site began in September 1999, there were no digitized copies of Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly available online. Now you can find an almost complete run on the IAPSOP web site which has no affiliation with Victoria Woodhull & Company:

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly at IAPSOP

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly Excerpts – June 22, 1872

June 22, 1872, pages 3-4

LETTER FROM AN OLD REFORMER.

BOSTON, JUNE 5, 1872.

MRS. CAROLINA H. SPEAR :—My Dear Friend—I am honored by your note of invitation to attend the meeting to ratify the nomination of Mrs. Woodhull, and Frederick Douglass as President and Vice President of the United States.

As between Grant and Greeley, to me, there could be no choice. They are neither of them Republican nor Democrat, but both despots; the former, at least by silence, the latter, by open, deliberate, persistent determination and declaration. And so I hold them both utterly unworthy the suffrages of a free people, or would-be free people.

I am glad every colored man on our soil is a true citizen; but until every colored woman is alike free and equal, and every white woman also, I am determined to know nothing among the American people save woman, and her disfranchised and crucified.

Though I never voted for a President in all my anti-slavery mission of nearly thirty years, still, my position as between slave-holders and their abettors and other candidates, was never misapprehended. So I think my action will continue to report me truly on the still greater question.

It seems to me eminently fitting that your nominee for President should be a woman. And equally appropriate is it that the other candidate should be of the so recently, not only disfranchised, but absolutely enslaved class.

The Republicans emancipated the slaves to save the country. Let them now do one, and their first act of justice, by electing one of them, (and one every way worthy and capable,) to the second office in their gift.

It is not possible that I can be in New York in time for your meeting; but let me assure you in this way, that as between Grant, Greeley and Mrs. Woodhull, though the latter might not be my choice among American women, I do regard her as every way superior to either of her two competitors already named.

We are surely on the horizon of the most sublime revolutionary events, not the most remarkable of which may be the election of a woman to the Presidency of the United States[.] Till that be done, I will not advocate the election of any man, soldier, statesman, nor philosopher, whose doctrine of “universal suffrage,” does not include, as well every woman as every man.

Nor till that be, will I cease to be, as well your fellow worker, to the very best of my humble ability, as ever and always, I am your very sincere friend.

PARKER PILLSBURY


Webmaster’s Note: After the June 22, 1872 edition, the publication of Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly was suspended until the “scandalous” and suppressed Nov. 2, 1872 issue. Financial difficulties caused in part by political persecution temporarily prevented publication.

These are actual extracts from the Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly.

JANFEBMAR
January 20, 1872
January 27, 1872
February 3, 1872
February 10, 1872
February 17, 1872
February 24, 1872
March 2, 1872
March 9, 1872
March 16, 1872
March 23, 1872
March 30, 1872
APRMAYJUNE
April 6, 1872
April 13, 1872
April 20, 1872
April 27, 1872
May 4, 1872
May 11, 1872
May 18, 1872
May 25, 1872
June 1, 1872
June 8, 1872
June 15, 1872
June 22, 1872
June 24, 1871
JULYAUGSEPT
July 1, 1871
July 2, 1870
July 8, 1871
July 15, 1871
July 22, 1871
July 29, 1871
August 5, 1871
August 12, 1871
August 19, 1871
August 26, 1871
September 2, 1871
September 9, 1871
September 16, 1871
September 23, 1871
September 30, 1871
OCTNOVDEC
October 7, 1871
October 14, 1871
October 21, 1871
October 28, 1871
November 2, 1872
November 4, 1871
November 15, 1873
November 18, 1871
November 25, 1871
December 2, 1871
December 9, 1871
December 16, 1871
December 23, 1871

When this web site began in September 1999, there were no digitized copies of Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly available online. Now you can find an almost complete run on the IAPSOP web site which has no affiliation with Victoria Woodhull & Company:

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly at IAPSOP

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly Excerpts – June 15, 1872

June 15, 1872

OUR PLATFORM.

From various quarters we hear the query, “Do these reformers really mean what they have put forth as their platform, or have they willfully perpetrated a large joke?” Had the inquirers been present in Apollo Hall and taken note of the sort of material that constituted the convention which constructed the platform, there would have been no need of making this inquiry. If there ever were serious people, meaning every word they said, those to whom we refer were such. And although the enthusiasm of the occasion raised, at times, to a high degree, it never ruled, at the expense of wisdom and discretion.

Hence, we may safely assure everybody that every word which appears either in platform or resolutions which that convention formed, was intended in dead earnest. Some brainless editors who have never grasped an idea or had the capacity to entertain a principle, but who, from a continuous practice of lines of policy, bring all their natural capacities to do either, may talk of its being child’s play and nonsense; but they will live long enough, if they live only till next November to learn that their wisdom is indeed foolishness.

The second plank in this platform is as follows:

“That the world has advanced so much in the last century that the theories which present Constitution of the United States and of the several States vitalize, are in many instances far behind our present civilization.”

Now seriously, we ask every thinking mind if this is not strictly true, even from the standpoint of those who do not accept our attitude regarding the necessary outcome of the facts. Many imagine because, in reality, they have never stopped to think about it, that our systems of law, organism and execution, are consistent with the theory laid down in the Declaration of Independence. There could be no greater error than this supposition. There is not even the faintest shadow of truth in it, unless, perhaps, it may be said that the first section of the Fourteenth Amendment may be an exception; and whatever of salvation there was in that, they attempted to defeat, by the next section, fearing to let a single grain of real freedom and equality stand free from the tares of despotism.

The declaration that the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, is inalienable in the individual was the first expression of the great change in the uses of government, which is but just now beginning to be understood. We say beginning to be understood, for there is no law upon the statute books of any country, whose first purpose is to establish and protect human rights, but they, one and all, are for the purpose of establishing and protecting property rights, to the utter ignoring of those of the higher sort.

If the right to life were, by law held to be, as the declaration maintains it to be, inalienable, there could be no law providing for the death penalty. In the abstract sense, the taking of life, whether by the individual or by the State, is equally murder, and there is no sort of logic that can controvert this fact. If it were necessary that a murderer should be hung to save the lives of members of the community, there might be a reasonable argument in favor of capital punishment; but nobody pretends that any such proceeding is necessary in these days of safety asylums like our prisons. Therefore, when the community commits murder, the crime is multiplied from the individual into the whole number who constitute the community, each one of whom is equally guilty with the person whom they murder for having murdered, and there is no way of escaping the inevitable law of divine compensation and justice, which is administered without regard to any arbitrary distinctions.

The same rule is applicable in the same way when persons are deprived of their liberty for any purpose except for the protection of the community. The present imprisonment of criminals is to carry out the idea of punishment. Nothing that is thus administered can by any possibility be just, since justice exists alone in the immutable laws of the universe, while human laws ought to be so founded upon principles as not to militate in any manner whatever against their prerogatives.

But if in our systems, the inalienable rights to life and liberty are infringed, how much more so is that to the pursuit of happiness. This right is hedged upon every possible side by all conceivable forms of law and standards of public opinion. Instead of being formulated to protect this inalienable right, our laws could not have been better constructed if prohibition were their purpose.

The right to the pursuit of happiness means that every individual has the right to seek his or her happiness, as he or she may determine; and as a corollary the necessary implication follow that in whatever manner the individual shall choose to seek that happiness, all other individuals should respect and the community as a whole protect.

But, says the objector, if everybody shall be permitted to follow his or her own inclinations in the pursuit of happiness and there should be no law to prevent it, what assurance is there that such pursuit will not interfere with the rights of others. Now this is the great stumbling-block everywhere raised to oppose the spread of the new interpretation of individual freedom, but at the same time the most fallacious one possible to be conceived of. Nobody denies the right of community to erect and maintain a government; but it is demanded that government be restricted to its legitimate uses, the protection of individual rights. If this idea be properly conceived of, the objection named will vanish before is as mist before the noon-day sun.

Up to, and including this time, governments have not been maintained to protect the inalienable rights of individuals, but to enforce the edicts of one class of the community upon its other classes; and no better illustration of this statement could be had than the manner in which one-half of all the people are denied a right freely exercised by the other half, this other half being the denying power. This is a self-evident exemplification of the various theories which our governments, national and State, vitalize; and which are declared by the platform of the Equal Rights Party, to be far behind our present civilization.

It is the mission of this party to reconstruct the government so that the theories it shall give vitality to shall be those set forth in the Declaration of Independence, which are in strict accordance with the theory which involves all other theories; the theory that there are such things as human rights, all-sided freedom, equality, justice and equity; not only in one specific department of life, but in all departments; in the political, the social, the industrial and the educational departments; which then include all that can properly be brought within the legitimate limit and sphere of government; since it has not jurisdiction over those things that necessarily are matters of individual thought and conscience.

At least seven-tenths of all the people, whether conscious of it or not, naturally and inevitable belong to the Equal Rights Party. Not a person who is not constitutionally opposed to freedom and equity, can deny a single proposition of principle laid down as its platform. It is too true, however, that, heretofore the people generally have had no considerable realization of the theories laid down by the founders of our government. But it may safely be assumed that they require only to be presented to be apprehended, appreciated and accepted; and in this fact rests the certain success of the Equal Rights Party.

MISCELLANEOUS POLITICAL NOTES

The following Presidential tickets may be regarded as already in the field:

Anti-secret societies: For President, Charles Francis Adams of Mass.; for Vice President, Charles F. Howard of IL

Temperance: For President, James Black of Penn.; for Vice President, John Russell of Mich.

Labor Reform: For President, David Davis of Ill.; for Vice President, Joel Parker of N.J.

Liberal Republicans: For President, Horace Greeley of N.Y.; for Vice President B. Gratz Brown, of Mo.

Workingmen: For President, Ulysses S. Grant of Ill.,; for Vice President, Henry Wilson of Mass.

There remain three nominating conventions to be held, viz.: The National Republican at Philadelphia, June 5. Reunion and Reform, Baltimore, July 8. Democratic Reform: Baltimore, July 9.

After thanking the N.Y. Herald for its lengthy and picturesque report of our Equal Rights Convention at Apollo Hall in May last, we beg to notify it that on that occasion, Victoria C. Woodhull, of New York, was nominated by it for President, and Frederick Douglass of the District of Columbia, for Vice President. We are happy to add, that many citizens in every State and territory of our Union have endorsed the above nominations. Homer sometimes sleeps, the N.Y. Herald press sometimes breaks down, the Equal Rights Party may fail to elect its candidate; but, should it succeed, it will not be the first time that “” stone at first refused by the builders afterwards became the head of the corner.”


Webmaster’s Note: After this issue—which was dated incorrectly on the front page as June 19—Woodhull and Claflin’s Weekly published just one more edition on June 22, 1872. Because of financial difficulties caused in part by political persecution, the Weekly suspended publication and did not resume until the “scandalous” and suppressed Nov. 2, 1872 issue.

These are actual extracts from the Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly.Sentences or paragraphs that have been removed are indicated with the ellipsis (….)

JANFEBMAR
January 20, 1872
January 27, 1872
February 3, 1872
February 10, 1872
February 17, 1872
February 24, 1872
March 2, 1872
March 9, 1872
March 16, 1872
March 23, 1872
March 30, 1872
APRMAYJUNE
April 6, 1872
April 13, 1872
April 20, 1872
April 27, 1872
May 4, 1872
May 11, 1872
May 18, 1872
May 25, 1872
June 1, 1872
June 8, 1872
June 15, 1872
June 22, 1872
June 24, 1871
JULYAUGSEPT
July 1, 1871
July 2, 1870
July 8, 1871
July 15, 1871
July 22, 1871
July 29, 1871
August 5, 1871
August 12, 1871
August 19, 1871
August 26, 1871
September 2, 1871
September 9, 1871
September 16, 1871
September 23, 1871
September 30, 1871
OCTNOVDEC
October 7, 1871
October 14, 1871
October 21, 1871
October 28, 1871
November 2, 1872
November 4, 1871
November 15, 1873
November 18, 1871
November 25, 1871
December 2, 1871
December 9, 1871
December 16, 1871
December 23, 1871

When this web site began in September 1999, there were no digitized copies of Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly available online. Now you can find an almost complete run on the IAPSOP web site which has no affiliation with Victoria Woodhull & Company:

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly at IAPSOP

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly Excerpts – June 8, 1872

June 8, 1872

OUR NOMINEES.

These are Victoria C. Woodhull, the woman; and Frederick Douglass, the Negro.

In the ninety-sixth year of the republic of the United States, they represent classes, who may justly be termed, even yet, the pariahs of our modern system of civilization.

In the nomination of Victoria C. Woodhull for the office of President, the Equal Rights Party virtually arraigns the despotism over woman as exercised in this Republic, as being, in this particular, more intolerant than that of the monarchies of Europe, and points those who dispute this statement to the long and beneficent rule of another Victoria cheerfully submitted to by the people of Great Britain.

In the nomination of Frederick Douglass for the office of Vice President, the Equal Rights Party proposes to set the seal of the nation on the issues of the war of the rebellion; to exhibit to the world that our people are a unit in the defense of the rights of all mankind; and to reset the Government on the right track, which has heretofore been traversing the tortuous windings of the slavery compromises of the first Constitution.

In order to effect these our purposes it has been found necessary to take our stand on the principles of the Declaration of Independence, which declare the rights of all human beings, and rest all governments on the consent of the governed.

The Equal Rights Party has selected Victoria C. Woodhull for the office of President, because it deems that the demand for the personal, social, legal, and political liberties of woman have been better advocated by her actions and in her speeches and writings than by any other woman. religious liberty is not mentioned above, because it is held that, in the case of woman, it has not bee specially infringed. It is claimed as a right pertaining to all the people; one which the Equal Rights Party hold itself pledged to maintain against any national or State interference with (or infringement of) in any way whatever.

The Equal Rights Party has selected Frederick Douglass for the office of Vice President, because though born a slave, he has himself achieved both his education and his liberty; because he has waged a life-long, manful battle for the rights of his race, in which those of mankind were included; because he has proved that he knows how to assert the liberties of the people, and consequently it is assumed that he knows how to maintain them.

In conclusion, the Equal Rights party has nominated Victoria C. Woodhull for President, and Frederick Douglass for Vice President, because, by so doing, it hurls a gage of defiance to the despots and aristocrats of Europe, who have long pointed the finger of scorn at our Republic in the matter of slavery, and condemned it as lacking the will to carry out fully the principles of true democracy contained in the Declaration of Independence; and it calls upon all the citizens of our Republic, irrespective of sex or race, to unite with it in reasserting the truth of the doctrines laid down by our fathers in 776, and sealed with their blood in the war of the Revolution.

CAMPAIGN DOCUMENT 1
PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE.
VIEWED FROM THE STANDPOINT OF THE NEW EQUAL RIGHTS PARTY.

BY J.Q. SANDS

In the past, the instinct of man was for blood. War was the business of his life. Labor might do for a hind or a woman, but man was dishonored by any occupation less noble than cutting his neighbors throat….

The kings and nobles owned everything in fee simple and by divine right; but they allowed the priests to take their share of the spoils, in consideration of their assistance in imbuing the minds of men with the idea that eternal torments awaited all who raised their voices against the kingly power.

In the intervals of war, when blood did not flow in rivers, it gently trickled from the writing forms of myriads of martyrs for the amusement of priests and kings. That day is past; martyrdom has gone out of fashion; and war, while it is to a limited extent the pastime of crowned heads, as a game more exciting than the chase, it is beginning to be regarded as—well, as having some drawbacks.

Our own sins are certainly not on so grand a scale as our fathers; but then they are meaner, which goes a great way toward making up the difference….

The great object of life is nothing nobler than the possession of a large house, filled with ignorant servants. Finding one house no satisfaction, people who can, usually try two or three, thus seeking relief in the multiplication of their follies. Women have a noble ambition to excel each other in the length of their mirrors, the number of their dresses or the amount of false hair or tow which they can pile on the top of their heads. To accomplish these most notable results, men delve, lie and cheat from cradle to the grave, and so unaccustomed are their faculties to any rational employment, that when they are deprived of their habitual occupation, life becomes a burden, and they not infrequently go hand themselves.

Woman usually has one master, who, possessing her person and owning her children, hold absolute power over her, and not infrequently renders her life one of absolute torment by abuses of various kinds. careless of his own vows, he punishes a suspected breach on her part with death to the offender, and instead of being punished is usually applauded….

Children come into this world undesired and unprovided for, and having no one to speak a word for them, are abused without stint; and it is only when some helpless innocent is beaten to death for refusing to say its prayers that nay attention is paid to their cries….

What may the future have in store for us? Let us hope that in the good time coming, the great object of life will be not the acquisition of wealth and power for base and selfish ends, but rather that each shall make it the business of his life to see that happiness shall be the assured portion of all. The question trembling upon every lip will be: Brother, what lackest thou? Is it the opportunity to use thy talents; it is sympathy with thy aims; is it companionship; is it social life, or is it present need of food, clothing, or shelter? In a word, let us hope that Altruism will succeed Egoism, and we shall witness the dawn of the Religion of Humanity.

Webmaster’s Note: Except for some headings, these are actual extracts from the Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly. Sentences or paragraphs that have been removed are indicated with the ellipsis (….)

JANFEBMAR
January 20, 1872
January 27, 1872
February 3, 1872
February 10, 1872
February 17, 1872
February 24, 1872
March 2, 1872
March 9, 1872
March 16, 1872
March 23, 1872
March 30, 1872
APRMAYJUNE
April 6, 1872
April 13, 1872
April 20, 1872
April 27, 1872
May 4, 1872
May 11, 1872
May 18, 1872
May 25, 1872
June 1, 1872
June 8, 1872
June 15, 1872
June 22, 1872
June 24, 1871
JULYAUGSEPT
July 1, 1871
July 2, 1870
July 8, 1871
July 15, 1871
July 22, 1871
July 29, 1871
August 5, 1871
August 12, 1871
August 19, 1871
August 26, 1871
September 2, 1871
September 9, 1871
September 16, 1871
September 23, 1871
September 30, 1871
OCTNOVDEC
October 7, 1871
October 14, 1871
October 21, 1871
October 28, 1871
November 2, 1872
November 4, 1871
November 15, 1873
November 18, 1871
November 25, 1871
December 2, 1871
December 9, 1871
December 16, 1871
December 23, 1871

When this web site began in September 1999, there were no digitized copies of Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly available online. Now you can find an almost complete run on the IAPSOP web site which has no affiliation with Victoria Woodhull & Company:

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly at IAPSOP

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly Excerpts – June 1, 1872

June 1, 1872

COL FISK’S SUCCESSOR.

[From the N.Y. Times]

The Ninth Regiment is in search of a Colonel. As will be remembered, its last Colonel was the eminent soldier, the hero of the Orange riot, James Fisk Jr. Under the care of Col. Fisk the regiment prospered in various ways. It was admitted to the Grand Opera House; it was led on pleasant excursions to Long Branch and Boston; it was gorgeously clothed and sumptuously fed. And then Col. Fisk gave it a superb band, and lent to its parade the majesty of his own presence, resplendent in gold lace and lacquered belts. To be sure, with these delights came certain unavoidable inconveniences. There were those who asserted that the regiment had not peculiarly honored itself in selecting Fisk as its commander; and wicked persons, clearly envious of the good things enjoyed by the Ninth Regiment, coarsely called it the opera bouffe regiment—merely because it had chosen an eminent patron of opera bouffe to lead it to picnics and provincial parades. The regiment, like the legendary person who sells himself to Satan, enjoyed unusual worldly blessings, at the cost of secret uneasiness. Fisk, however, finally fell, if not precisely in front of the battle, at all events beneath a pistol bullet, and the Colonelcy being thus vacant, it is necessary that a successor should be chosen.

And now comes Miss Tennie C. Claflin, and applies for the vacant Colonelcy of the Ninth. She is quite in earnest, and insists that she will make a fit successor to the lamented Fisk. Moreover, she uses the same argument that was employed by Fisk when he first asked the regiment to elect him; the promise that her assumption of command will be the signal for large numbers of volunteers to enter the regiment. The application and the arguments that support it ought to be quite sufficient to satisfy the regiment that selected Fisk to be its Colonel, and there is really no reason why she should not be his successor.

Miss Claflin is at heart as expert a soldier as was Fisk at the time of his election. Her appearance in uniform at the head of her regiment would be quite as martial and rather less ridiculous than was that of the fat person whose vanity was the laughingstock of the city on the occasion of the reception of the Grand Duke.

SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. EXTRAORDINARY POLITICS.

Correspondence Cincinnati Commercial
New York, May 11, 1872

Last night I stepped into Apollo Hall, one of the noblest and most picturesque halls in the city, where the National Convention of the Woodhull and Claflin, Male and Female Labor Party are holding a two days’ session. As I approached the place, I heard the voice of Mrs. Woodhull resounding through the hall, and when I entered I found her standing in front of the platform, which was filled with people of both sexes, and declaiming in the most impassioned style, before a crowded audience of men and women who had been wrought up to a very high state of excitement. The scene was really dramatic, and to those who were in sympathy with it, it was, doubtless “thrilling,” “glorious,” “sublime.” Somehow or other, Mrs. Woodhull, as she stood there, dressed in plain black, with flushed face, gleaming eye, locks partly disheveled, upraised arm and quivering under the fire of her own rhapsody, reminded me of the great Rachel in some of those tragic or fervid passages in which the dominating powers of her nature and genius were displayed in their highest effect. She seemed at moments like one possessed, and the eloquence which poured from her lips in reckless torrents swept through the souls of the multitude in a way which caused them to burst, every now and then, with uproarious enthusiasm. A moment after I entered there was one of these spiritual explosions, which brought her to a brief pause, and the first sentence I heard was her exclamation, in loud, clear tone: “Who will dare to attempt to unlock the luminous portals of the future with the rusty key of the past?” Age, indeed who will? was the thought which involuntary came to one’s mind while looking at the extraordinary spectacle displayed in Apollo Hall.

When her declamation ended, the audience, masculine and feminine, sprang to their feet and cheered till their wind was exhausted, cheered with a frenzy and force that must have startled the multitudinous promenaders who swept along Broadway. The heroine of the moment disappeared from the platform, but the multitude encored till she returned, stepped to the front, and bowed once and again her acknowledgments for the applause.

Then a stout and hearty personage, who was recognized by the Chair as Judge Carter of Cincinnati, stepped quickly to the front, and in stentorian tones nominated Mrs. Victoria C. Woodhull as a candidate for the Presidency of the United States. “All who are in favor of the nomination, say aye” were the words from the Chair, and instantly the shouts of the Convention, delegates and outsiders, burst forth in a roar, thunderous and continuous, which might have blown the roof of the building to the skies. Again Mrs. Woodhull appeared on the platform, and accepted the nomination in a few words.

Then followed an hour’s wrangle, with countless speeches as to the candidate for the Vice Presidency. The first nomination made was that of Frederick Douglass, who was eulogized by half a dozen speakers in succession, and opposed by two or three, on various grounds. We had the oppressed sex represented by Woodhull; we must have the oppressed race represented by Douglass. Other names followed: Ben. Wade, Theodore Tilton, Spotted Tail, Ben. Butler, Henry Ward Beecher, Robert Dale Owen, Governor Campbell, Wendell Phillips, Richard Trevellick, and others. Frederick Douglass, however, at last got the vote of the Convention. And was thus nominated for the second place on the Woodhull Presidential ticket—the Executive Committee being empowered to substitute another name in case of his refusal to accept.

The platform of the party, which demands a new National Constitution, and numerous other things in the revolutionary line, was subsequently adopted.

I forgot to say that throughout the entertainment, the audience were excessively merry and were as wildly enthusiastic. She left the place pretty well exhausted with cheering and cachinnation. The audience were highly respectable, as well as large and strikingly American in physiognomy and appearance. There were large numbers of fashionable dressed ladies, and most of the gentlemen evidently belonged to the business and professional classes. There were also plenty of “Reformers,” and in fact, it was they who contributed the real genius of the assemblage.

At the close of the session, Mrs. Woodhull, the nominee for the Presidency, passed into an ante-room, where her friends crowded to congratulate her. She was in ecstasy, and so was her sister, Miss Claflin. Her face beamed under her high-crowned Neapolitan black hat. She shook hands with the gentlemen enthusiastically. The ladies kissed her and embraced her, kissed each other, and kissed her again. I never before saw so much kissing and hugging in public, nor, for that matter, in private either. Men were not afraid to pass hands round women who were not their wives, and women indulged in political osculation till they were tired.

BROADWAY (A nom de plume that biographer Barbara Goldsmith claims is Isabella Beecher Hooker.)

Webmaster’s Note: These are actual extracts from the Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly. Sentences or paragraphs that have been removed are indicated with the ellipsis (….)

JANFEBMAR
January 20, 1872
January 27, 1872
February 3, 1872
February 10, 1872
February 17, 1872
February 24, 1872
March 2, 1872
March 9, 1872
March 16, 1872
March 23, 1872
March 30, 1872
APRMAYJUNE
April 6, 1872
April 13, 1872
April 20, 1872
April 27, 1872
May 4, 1872
May 11, 1872
May 18, 1872
May 25, 1872
June 1, 1872
June 8, 1872
June 15, 1872
June 22, 1872
June 24, 1871
JULYAUGSEPT
July 1, 1871
July 2, 1870
July 8, 1871
July 15, 1871
July 22, 1871
July 29, 1871
August 5, 1871
August 12, 1871
August 19, 1871
August 26, 1871
September 2, 1871
September 9, 1871
September 16, 1871
September 23, 1871
September 30, 1871
OCTNOVDEC
October 7, 1871
October 14, 1871
October 21, 1871
October 28, 1871
November 2, 1872
November 4, 1871
November 15, 1873
November 18, 1871
November 25, 1871
December 2, 1871
December 9, 1871
December 16, 1871
December 23, 1871

When this web site began in September 1999, there were no digitized copies of Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly available online. Now you can find an almost complete run on the IAPSOP web site which has no affiliation with Victoria Woodhull & Company:

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly at IAPSOP

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly Excerpts – May 25, 1872

May 25, 1872

[Page 3]

OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE EQUAL RIGHTS CONVENTION, HELD IN NEW YORK CITY, ON THE NINTH, TENTH AND ELEVENTH OF MAY 1872.

The call for a “People’s Convention,” issued by Mrs. E. Cady Stanton, Isabella B. Hooker, Susan B. Anthony and Matilda Joslyn Gage, as the Executive Committee of the National Woman’s Suffrage Association , and by Victoria C. Woodhull, Horace H. Day, Anna M. Middlebrook and others, in behalf of the “party of the people, to secure and maintain Human Rights, to be inaugurated in the United States in May, 1872” met, according to call, in Steinway Hall, on Thursday morning, May 9.

CONVENTION OF THE WOMAN’S SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION, STEINWAY HALL, MAY 9, 1872

Mrs. Stanton called the meeting to order. A choir sang an anthem, the sweetness of which was greatly augment by the pleasant voices of Mrs. Abby Hutchinson Patten and her brother, Henry, who sat in the front gallery. After a prayer by Mrs. I. B. Hooker, Mrs. Stanton announced that this meeting was not called to make a nomination for the Presidency, but to

TAKE THE INITIATIVE STEPS THERETO.

The reformers had been invited to consider a new platform. Some women had got together and had made a platform. They had enough of platforms made by men; they now had one of their own; it would be in print, and the friends present could read it and vote on it in the evening. She requested that this day should be regarded as a woman’s day, and that the brethren present would hold their peace. Men had such loud voices, and some so dogmatical that they were apt to overslaugh women. As she returned to her seat, Mrs. Hooker suggested something to her, and Mrs. Stanton announce that some difficulty had occurred on account of an unexpected charge of twenty-five cents admission to all the sessions. This charge had been decided on in order to secure quiet and order. It is but fair to state that the impression of the public was that the morning and afternoon sessions were to be free, and a charge of twenty-five cents should be charged for the evening session—a large number of persons who came to the city to attend the Convention, retired from the doors on finding a charge, was to be made.

Mrs. Hooker then read the following platform and was followed by Miss Anthony, who read resolutions which were hostile to the election of Horace Greeley, and admonishing the Conventions to be held in Philadelphia and Baltimore, that unless a proper recognition is given to the women of the land a Convention by the National Woman’s Association will be held, and a Presidential ticket placed in the field.

Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker read

THE PLATFORM.

We, women citizens of the United States, in national convention assembled at New York, proclaim the following principles as essential to just government.

1. We recognize the equality of all before the law, and hold that it is the duty of government in its dealings with the people to mete out equal and exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, race, color, sex or persuasion, religious or political.

2. We pledge ourselves to maintain the union of the States, and to oppose and re-opening of the questions settled by the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amendments of the Constitution, which have emancipated and enfranchised the slaves and the women of the nation.

3. We demand the immediate and absolute removal of all disabilities now imposed on rebels and women, believing that universal suffrage and universal amnesty will result in complete purification in the family, and in all sections of the country.

4. We demand for the individual the largest liberty consistent with the public order, for the state self-government and for the national administration the methods of peace, and the constitutional limitations of power.

5. We demand a thorough civil service reform as one of the pressing necessities of the hour. Honesty, capacity, and fidelity, without distinction of sex, should constitute the only valid claim to public employment. The first step in this reform is the one term principle, and the election of President, Vice President and United States Senators by the whole people.

6. We affirm that no form of taxation is just or wise which puts burdens upon the people by means of duties intended to increase the price of domestic products, and which are unnecessary for purposes of revenue. Taxes should not be laid upon the necessaries; but upon the luxuries of life, that the rich and not the poor may bear the burdens.

7. The highest consideration of commercial morality and honest government requires a thorough reform of the present financial system. The interests of the people demand a cheap, sound, uniform, abundant, and elastic currency, to be a permanent measure of value, based on the wealth of the nation. This will be found in the issue of currency, or certificates of value by the government for all duties, taxes, and imposts whatever, which shall be legal tender for all debts, public and private; such currency to be the lawful money of the United States, and convertible at the option of the holder into government bonds, bearing a rate of interest not exceeding 3 per cent, and to be reconvertible into currency at the will of the holder.

8. We remember with gratitude the heroism and sacrifices of the wives, sisters and mothers throughout this republic in the late war; the grand sanitary work they did in the hospital, on the battle-field, and in gathering in the harvest at home, have justly earned for the women of the country the generous recognition of all their political rights by every true American statesman.

9. We are opposed to all grants of lands to railroads or other corporations. The public domain should be held sacred to actual settlers, an inviolable homestead secured to every man and woman.

10. We believe in the principles of the referendum, minority representation, and a just system of graduation taxation.

11. It is the duty of government to regard children and criminals as wards of the State; to secure to the one the best advantages of education, and for the other more humane legislation and better methods of reform.

12. We hold it is the duty of the government in its intercourse with foreign countries to cultivate the friendships of peace, by treating will all on just and equal terms, and by insisting on the settlement of all differences by a congress of nations.

13. For the promotion of these vital principles and the establishment of a party based on them, we invite the co-operation of all “citizens,” without distinction of race, color, sex, nationality or previous political affiliations.

At the close of the reading it was determined that the platform and resolutions should be open to discussion. Considerable confusion now arose by inquiries from the audience as to the authority by which these subjects were thrown out, and who were entitled as delegates to speak to the resolution.

Mrs. Hooker now came forward, and with decided, repeated and most resonant stamps of her little foot upon the floor, declared that the proceedings of this Convention must and should be done with decency and in order. After some further controversy, it was concluded that for peace sake the meeting should proceed for only a part, and not the whole of the interests represented.

Mrs. Middlebrook said that she had attended these meetings for two years, and the question of suffrage had been considered at these meetings; that we had come here under a general call to consider the questions of a new party and nominating candidates. We had bowed and begged of the present parties for twenty years in vain, and the time had come for decided action; and if this Convention refused to meet the responsibility, the Convention on Saturday would meet it. Mrs. M. retired amid loud and protracted applause, clearly indicating that she had struck the key note of the Convention.

Mrs. Stanton followed with a manuscript, historical of political parties in the past, how they originated and were destroyed, and was in the usual style of her able and finished productions, the audience listening with great respect.

Judge Carter followed, eulogizing free speech, and closed his exordium by extolling Victoria C. Woodhull.

Mrs. Hooker explained that they were hampered by the regulations of Mr. Steinway prohibiting political discussion, and made an eloquent defense of Mrs. Woodhull’s unselfish and earnest work for the cause.

When this web site began in September 1999, there were no digitized copies of Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly available online. Now you can find an almost complete run on the IAPSOP web site which has no affiliation with Victoria Woodhull & Company:

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly at IAPSOP

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly Excerpts – May 18, 1872

May 18, 1872

THE TRUE REPUBLIC.

A SPEECH BY ELIZABETH CADY STANTON.

The two great nations in the world to-day, still in the act of growth, are Russia and America. With their vast extent of territory and rapidly increasing population, it is almost impossible for the human mind to estimate the grandeur of their destiny.

All the other nations in the globe have reached the acme of their power; some are already hastening to their downfall, because, like the despotisms, monarchies and empires of the past, one and all are based on the old feudal idea that might makes right. In spite of Russia’s gaining power and greatness, if she continues to center all the authority of society in a single arm, she too must share the same fate with those that have gone before her. For there is but one safe and stable basis of national life; that is, the equality of all the citizens.

This is our American idea, and here we have undertaken the experiment of self-government, and it is well for every thoughtful citizen to consider all that the experiment involves. Without territorial annexation, we shall have at the end of this century one hundred million of people. With the purchase of territory now proposed, we shall add greatly to this number. Forty thousand Chinese are already on the Pacific coast, but the entering wedge of 400,000,000 behind them. Ignorance, poverty and vice from every quarter of the globe are following here, and all this mighty multitude are to be educated into the rights and responsibilities of self-government. When we consider how difficult it is to teach one individual man to govern himself, to study the laws of his being and conscientiously observe them, though he suffers in his own flesh the penalty of every violated law, we may begin to measure the magnitude of the work before us.

And there is no royal road to this result, but it is all to be accomplished by the slow, sure process of education.

Do we not need to this end the enlightened statesmanship, the religious earnestness, the moral power, the refined sentiments and affections of every thinking man and woman kindled to the highest pitch of enthusiastic patriotism for this work.

Wise thinkers are to-day considering the future of this nation and the probabilities of our children realizing what our fathers proposed; a government in which all citizens shall be free and equal.

Some doubt the possibility of such a fact, and declare the idea Utopian. Some say it is feasible, but only in a much higher development of the [human] race. Some say we have made the attempt and failed, and are now drifting towards centralization and Imperialism. But the philosopher, seeing that equality has been the one long struggle through the past, naturally infer that it must be the foundation of all true government, based on a great fact in human nature. We have not tried it yet, but are slowly struggling towards that idea; our experiment thus far has not been a failure, but as compared with nations that have gone before us, a grand success. We are not drifting toward centralization and the one man power but bravely working for the rights of the man, for individual sacredness and development. The world is done with royalty and aristocracy ; the industrial forces are everywhere organizing ; science and labor in the workshops of nature are to-day prying the sceptres that must soon rule the world. All these appearances of centralization are but the remnants of feudalism, to be thrown off in the new growth of the nation. The dangers many apprehend from the bribery and corruption of some of our caucuses and cabals, by which an imbecile Buchanan may be foisted upon the country to-day, and to-morrow a stolid Grant, as evidences of individual and party depravity, are lamentable enough ; but the fact that all this political infidelity is ridiculed, condemned, spurned, by the minds ; that the popular protests keep pace with the frauds, is evidence that the recuperative virtue of the people is strong enough to resist and right these incidental evils in the nation’s transition to higher freedom.

What we now need to meet the responsibilities of self-government, is the scientific education of the people. We must rid the minds of the American people of the idea that government is a machine carried on at Washington and the State capitals, and educate every father, mother, preacher, teacher, into the faith that they are part of the government, daily moulding themselves and the youth under their care for the high duties of American citizenship ; that the ideas of virtue, religion, honor, justice, taught in the pulpit, school-house, at the fireside, will crystalize, in another generation, in the statutes and constitutions of the State.

The time when women are to vote is so near at hand that I begin to feel more anxiety now about our wise use of the ballot than its possession, for if we vote as blindly as the masses of men do; like them, our condition will not be much improved. Having talked about the rights of suffrage for twenty years, I would suggest to you to-day all that you can do with it, all that need to be done in the state, the church, the school and the home; for remember, the ballot is the great regulating power by which all our political, religious, commercial, educational and social interests are decided. If you will consider with me as briefly as possible all the great national questions we are called on to settle in one day, you will perceive that it is no light matter to make wise laws, to assume the grave responsibilities of self-government, to legislate in the no distant future, for the mightiest nation in the globe.

True government is based on laws as certain and invariable as are the national sciences. It is as dangerous to trust the interests of a nation in the hands of ignorant rulers, as to turn children loose in a laboratory to compound chemicals and generate gasses. The result in the one case would be burnt fingers, disgusting odors, explosions, chaos; in the other, heavy taxes, protective tariffs, a rotten banking system, high rates of interest, a financial crash every ten years, justice bought and sold in the market place, bribery and corruption in the courts and every department of government; drunkenness and licentiousness licensed by the state, war, and a national debt, bloated wealth and gaunt poverty, side by side in our streets, a living contradiction of our theory of equality. When a Vanderbilt can make 20,000,000 in a day, when a Gould and Fisk can run an Erie railroad for years without a dividend, and the stockholders are powerless in our courts because the judges are bought up, it is time for the people to look into our financial and banking systems and into the kind of stuff of which our judicial executive and legislative officers are made.

We have already gone so far toward the realization of a true republic as to place the ballot in the hands of every man, the next step is to teach him how to use it, for a ballot without knowledge, is like a prayer without works. Self-government involves an understanding of principles, of measures rather than men or parties. Nothing can rescue power from the hands of the few but the education of the many; and nothing can secure this education to the many, like submitting to their decision, all acts of legislation. Wise men and women all over this land should be educating the enfranchised masses into a knowledge of the rights and responsibilities of self-government. We should assemble our workingmen together every evening in our school houses, churches, halls, and teach then the philosophy of these great questions of national life. It is folly to talk of self-government if the people are led by a few wily politicians. It is the result of this ignorance and indifference of the people, that representative government in this country has become the rule of a privileged few at the expense of the many. To prevent this, let every state so amend her constitution as to leave all local offices and legislation, as far possible, in the hands of the people of the several townships, counties and districts of the state; submitting all state and national acts to their ratification….

Webmaster’s Note: These are actual extracts from the Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly. Sentences or paragraphs that have been removed are indicated with the ellipsis (….)

JANFEBMAR
January 20, 1872
January 27, 1872
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APRMAYJUNE
April 6, 1872
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June 1, 1872
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JULYAUGSEPT
July 1, 1871
July 2, 1870
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OCTNOVDEC
October 7, 1871
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November 2, 1872
November 4, 1871
November 15, 1873
November 18, 1871
November 25, 1871
December 2, 1871
December 9, 1871
December 16, 1871
December 23, 1871

When this web site began in September 1999, there were no digitized copies of Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly available online. Now you can find an almost complete run on the IAPSOP web site which has no affiliation with Victoria Woodhull & Company:

Woodhull & Claflin’s Weekly at IAPSOP