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  • Sept. 2, 1871


    "Howard Glyndon," of the New York Evening Mail, is almost stone deaf, but is a dapper, bright-eyed and smart little woman, for all that.

    Mrs. Mary Ann Cleveland, of Maquoketa, Iowa, has sued ten saloon-keepers of that city for $5,000 damages done her by furnishing liquor to her husband.

    A Pittsburgh girl slept twenty-two days, then arose, ate two pies, and abused her friends because they teased her "for oversleeping an hour in the morning." They told her that it was lucky that they hadn’t buried her.

    The sister of Delescluze, the famous Communist, now in her sixty-fifth year, is to be tried by a council of war at Versailles on various charges. She is said to have been a Petroleuse, and to have murdered several of the troops of Thiers.

    Rev. T De Witt Talmadge says that women have a right to do everything which they can do well. Certainly; but if men were permitted to do only that which they do well, what a host of poor fellows would be thrown out of employment.


    The Leipsic Grenzboetem, a journal hostile to the policy of the International League, gives the following account of the career of the founder of that association:

    Before 1848 Communism was little more than the dream of a sect closely. After the revolutionary agitation of that year had somewhat subsided, a fusion was accomplished at London at between two distinct elements, one of which was the hatred of certain eccentric individuals for the existing state of things, and the other the instinctive and chimerical longing of the working classes to put themselves in the place of those who govern and enjoy, in order to enjoy and rule in their turn. Charles [sic] Marx, a native of Rhenish Prussia, and a Jew by birth, began the realization of this utopian vision by placing himself at the head of a vast conspiracy, designed to create practical Communism. From that moment this sect became the most powerful of all the secret societies. London had harbored for several years previously a crowd of proscribed individuals who fretted with impotent rage and constantly brooded over the causes of their exile. Charles Marx succeeded in turning these personal grievances to account in the interest of his association. Each group of exiles had its own favorite theory, and most of these theories bore a separate character, but they were all tinged with the errors, hallucinations and national tendencies of the individuals who entertained them. It was still necessary to find a universal lever which might be everywhere applied and utilized with facility. This lever Marx found in the chronic discontent of the working classes.

    He founded a secret association, independent of any consideration of nationality or government, comprehending that it would be a more arduous task to carry out a particular than a universal conspiracy, since the capabilities of the former would be necessarily much more restricted than those of the latter he consequently endeavored to agglomerate, as far as practicable, the elements of discontent scattered through the civilized world. He succeeded in gaining for his cause of the most resolute and vehement, the instruments best adapted for his purpose, and of them he composed his staff. The next step was to form an army of the malcontent workman of all countries. To attain this end he organized a system of emissaries, traveling agents, and open or private agitators. A central management was established, which, by means of an ingenious system of ramifications, regularly corresponded with all the members of the body. Thus rose at the International League. Its object is to abolish production by the agency of capital--that is, the factors of production are to be divested of the character of individual property; the producing elements--things, persons and talents--shall belong to everyone alike It will appertain to the official representatives of the Commune to direct the employment of the common powers and resources, and to distribute the product among all. But how is the Commune to be constituted? Apparently by means of small communities of workmen, who, by uniting, will, in their turn, form a larger one, and eventually the great universal community itself. Each of these minor communities is governed by a sort of a dictator, and the whole association is subjected to the control of a supreme head, who may be called the dictator-general. All these chiefs are chosen by means of election.

    It is evident that, in order to arrive at the abolition of production by capital, the State, as it at present exists, must perish, with all the principles on which it is founded. Charles Marx is at once a deep thinker, and to a certain extent a practical man. He considered there was only one possibility of carrying out his project, and that would be furnished by a great war. Under cover of the confusion and disorganization which, he assumed must thus arise, and aided by the stagnation of business--a prolific source of discontent--he calculated on obtaining possession, by means of his army, of one or several of the great European states. When once a revolution of the proletariat had triumphed on the continent, the workmen of England were to revolutionize their own country. It is remarkable that Marx, in a book on capital, which he published a few years ago, but had composed a good while before, even then anticipated the probable triumph of a revolt by workmen. In this book he dwells more particularly on the spirit diffused among the English working classes were by the old American war, and he draws the following parallel: "Just as the War of Independence waged by the American colonies produced in the last century the French Revolution, in a similar way the overthrow of the slaveholders will be next followed in Europe by that of the possessors of capital."

    It cannot be doubted that in 1866 Marx would have taken advantage of the Austro-Prussian War to organize a proletariat insurrection, had campaigned not terminated so rapidly as it did. Once again, however, his plans were frustrated by the extreme rapidity of the German victories. The result of the great events of 1870 was to enhance the sentiment of nationality in Germany, and to inflame the national pride of the French; hence the moment was not propitious for socialistic enterprise, and the League was unable to effect anything of importance until it was too late--till the chosen champions of Socialism had been armed for the defense of the capital. They hope to secure the victory of the League in France and maintain peace as long as possible with Germany, in the expectation of some day destroying German nationality and the German government by the internal disorders that they had prepared and fomented, as a machine may be exploded by an overcharge of steam. Such were probably the designs of the invisible Chiefs of League, and this program has been, to some extent, faithfully executed by their uninitiated followers. When it was evident that the Versailles government could not be overthrown by armed force, the League is set Paris in flames to let its victorious adversaries understand with what an enemy they had to do—an enemy which, though beaten and massacred, always and everywhere arises revivified from its ashes.




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